Tonia Antoniazzi’s NC1 Amendment to the Crime and Policing Bill, carried by a majority of 242, after less than an hour of parliamentary debate, sets off a legal hand grenade at the heart of UK Abortion Legislation that may go far beyond its intended purpose…or was that the plan all along?
The Trojan Horse of the 1967 Abortion Act
The history of abortion law in the UK is complex and nuanced. Understanding how it fits together is crucial to understanding why the new amendment is so problematic.
By default, Abortion is criminal in the UK, under the Offences Against the Person Act 1861. And the offence is a serious one – carrying up to life imprisonment.
For the most part, that was the situation until the Abortion Act of 1967. In the early 1960s, it was estimated that less than 10,000 abortions a year were taking place illegally in the UK.
The stated aim of the legislation in 1967 was to make those 10,000 abortions safer for the women and legal. That was the focus of most of the debate in parliament about the act at the time.
To that end, the wording of the act is actually, on the face of it, quite restrictive. The relevant section is reproduced in full below:
- (1)Subject to the provisions of this section, a person shall not be guilty of an offence under the law relating to abortion when a pregnancy is terminated by a registered medical practitioner if two registered medical practitioners are of the opinion, formed in good faith—
- (a)that the pregnancy has not exceeded its twenty-fourth week and that the continuance of the pregnancy would involve risk, greater than if the pregnancy were terminated, of injury to the physical or mental health of the pregnant woman or any existing children of her family; or
- (b)that the termination is necessary to prevent grave permanent injury to the physical or mental health of the pregnant woman; or
- (c)that the continuance of the pregnancy would involve risk to the life of the pregnant woman, greater than if the pregnancy were terminated; or
- (d)that there is a substantial risk that if the child were born it would suffer from such physical or mental abnormalities as to be seriously handicapped
It’s important to notice this act gives a woman no “right” to an abortion at all in a legal sense. It gives, if anything, a “right” to a doctor to perform one, when they deem it medically reasonable within the limitations given above.
In practice, however, this seemingly quite restrictive wording allowed for abortion on demand up to 24 weeks. Why? Because the terminology of section (a) was vague enough to allow two medical practitioners of an abortion favouring mindset to conclude that any pregnancy continuing to birth might be worse for the mental health of a woman than ending it. The Act only requires that “Two medical practitioners form an opinion in good faith”, it doesn’t even necessarily need to be proven true.
And therefore, provided two medical practitioners are ideologically of the opinion that abortion is better for a woman’s mental health than an an unplanned birth, it is available to women on demand up to 24 weeks under clause (a) of the 1967 Abortion Act.
The year after the Act, 25,000 abortions were performed. By 1971, the number was over 100,000 and by the mid 1970s, consistently hitting 170,000 a year.
The wider impacts of that, on society, on its demographics, on its ethics, and on the economy, were simply never discussed or debated when the 1967 act was passed. The tone of the debate was primarily about the relatively small number (less than 10,000 a year) of “back street” abortions. The innocuous wording of the act masked the fact that, within a decade, 1 in 5 pregnancies would end in abortion.
This would have profound social consequences. It contributed to the aging population, it contributed to the increased need for immigration to maintain the UK economy, 20 years down the line. It’s no coincidence that, at the exact point the missing “Abortion generation” should have been becoming economically active adults in the 1990s, the UK turned to mass immigration to solve the economic malaise of an aging population. This, in turn, has contributed to profound cultural changes in the UK.
Now, some might consider these changes positive, but, by any stretch of the imagination, they are changes vastly beyond the original scope of the discussion that took place over the Abortion Act when it passed through the House of Commons.
What was simply not discussed was the enormous cumulative effect, all over the country, of “two medical practitioners forming an opinion in good faith”: By the time the next decade was out, nearly 2 million less British citizens would have been born.
And yet it was very likely always the intent of those who brought in the 1967 Abortion Act to create abortion on demand up to 24 weeks. However, it was brought about in a way which allowed it smooth passage through parliament, and with less opposition than if its true intent had been overtly stated.
The second Trojan Horse of Tonia Antoniazzi’s NC1 Amendment to the Crime and Policing Bill
The reason for outlining the history of the 1967 Abortion Act in this way is because the lesson learned from history is that changes to the abortion law often go beyond their (supposedly) intended consequences.
Here is the wording as it now appears in the Crime and Policing Bill:
PART 15 ABORTION Removal of women from the criminal law related to abortion For the purposes of the law related to abortion, including sections 58 and 59 of the Offences Against the Person Act 1861 and the Infant Life (Preservation) Act 1929, no offence is committed by a woman acting in relation to her own pregnancy.
The implication, we are told, is simply that a woman not be prosecuted for her own termination were she to attempt her own abortion. It is not supposed to affect the actions of medical professionals in regards to the 1967 act.
The stated reason for this is to stop a woman who loses a pregnancy late having to undergo the trauma of police investigation. That is the whole stated aim that Tonia Antoniazzi has given for the bill.
Except, there are problems with this: If a woman turned up with a dead newborn baby of post 24 weeks gestation and stated she had procured her own abortion, this would still need to be investigated by the police, because while abortion may have been decriminalised, infanticide has not. It would not be possible without investigation to exclude the latter. Forensic pathology of the fetus would be required. The police would have to collect evidence and take statements from anyone involved – including the woman.
Antoniazzi tweeted, on 29th May 2025 the following:
It is dystopian that women are facing criminal investigations for seeking medical care at the most desperate moments of their lives. This has got to end. That’s why I tabled NC1 – it’s time for Parliament to support this change
But wait? What her tweet says is completely different to what her amendment claims to achieve?
“Seeking medical care”? The amendment she tabled appears to just simply stop women who carry out their own DIY abortion, with, perhaps, drugs they have procured off the internet, being prosecuted for it.
So this is very curious. On the one hand, a woman carrying out her own private abortion after 24 weeks would still be investigated by the police for infanticide, so what Antoniazzi said about her amendment inside the House of Commons doesn’t make sense.
On the other hand, what she wrote in her tweet outside the house of commons implies her amendment does something totally different altogether, and applies to women “seeking medical care”?
What on earth is going on here?
Here’s what I think is happening:
Antoniazzi knows that her amendment exploits a loophole in the law, and does, in fact, fully legalise all abortion up to term, on demand.
Why? For this we need to consider the wording of the 1967 Abortion Act again. It legalises abortion under several different sets of circumstances. Typically, most abortions in the UK are conducted under (a) – the mental health clause that allows for abortion on demand, for all practical purposes, before 24 weeks.
However, under the 1967 Abortion Act, abortion has always been legal under the other conditions (b) (c) and (d) up until full term – but these would be extraordinarily rare to apply in practice.
However, consider these terms in the light of a woman attempting her own DIY abortion now no longer being criminal:
- (b)The termination is necessary to prevent grave permanent injury to the physical or mental health of the pregnant woman
- (c)The continuance of the pregnancy would involve risk to the life of the pregnant woman, greater than if the pregnancy were terminated
- (d)There is a substantial risk that if the child were born it would suffer from such physical or mental abnormalities as to be seriously handicapped
Clearly, all of these would apply to a woman who claimed she was about to attempt her own DIY abortion at home. And remember, all that is required is for “two medical practitioners to form the opinion in good faith”. None of these things to be proved beyond reasonable doubt, or to a point of certainty.
Antoniazzi’s tweet reveals how she actually now expects the law to work in practice:
A woman at any point of a pregnancy, even after 24 weeks, decides she wants an abortion for any reason. She will simply tell the gynaecologist she wants an abortion. He might ask her if she intends to procure her own abortion with pills bought off the internet or a coat hanger, or something similar. She says “yes”. She can say “yes” without fear because she is no longer suggesting anything illegal.
At this point, the abortionist can now proceed with a medical abortion at any point of pregnancy, since he can simply take her at her word in “good faith”, and clearly a professional medical abortion would reduce both the risk of grave permanent injury to the physical or mental health of the pregnant woman, and indeed, reduce the risk of a handicapped child being born due to the result of a failed attempt at a DIY home abortion.
Previous to this law change, the correct response of the doctor would have been to inform either police or social services or both, because the woman had just implied intent to carry out a serious criminal offence, but this is no longer the case.
Thus, under almost no circumstances that I can conceive of, would an abortionist now not be able to offer a woman an abortion on demand up to term.
And of course, this makes perfect sense: Does anyone really imagine that Antoniazzi’s intention was that a woman who is 35 weeks pregnant with a healthy pregnancy be turned away by a doctor from having an abortion, but free to then go away and attempt to carry one out herself? Of course not. Her idea is, as her tweet suggests, that she will be able to “seek medical care” and then be offered termination under any circumstances.
This also explains why she isn’t worried about the police still having to investigate the woman for procuring her own abortion with regards to excluding the possibility of infanticide: Because she’s not picturing women having their own self-induced abortions at 25, 30, or 35 or even 40 weeks at all. She’s picturing them happening as legal procedures under section (b)0, (c )and (d) of the 1967 abortion act, and circumventing the 24 week limit of section (a).
Thus, the law achieves, in a round about way, an almost certain route to abortion on demand, up to term in the UK. This is Antoniazzi’s intent, and it’s the only conclusion that actually makes sense out of her comments about police investigation, and her tweet regarding “seeking medical care”. Once you understand this, all the curious anomalies and seeming oversights of her amendment makes perfect sense.
Antoniazzi is worthy of a form of grudging respect for understanding the law, the parliamentary system, and how to manipulate it. There is certainly a kind of evil genius to her scheme. I am willing to bet at least 25% of those who voted for this in the House of Commons don’t really have any idea what they have just done.
A majority of British people find this horrific. A majority do not want this. This was not in any party manifesto. This wasn’t even what was discussed in the House of Commons. Yet, this is what has almost certainly just happened
The Third Trojan Horse – The Real Intention
The question that you may be wondering is why?
After all, in the rare circumstances of serious medical complications to either mother or fetus, abortion beyond the 24 week limit was already legal. There was no good reason in the UK for any woman to have to procure a very late abortion beyond 24 weeks herself for any medical reason. So why was Atoniazzi and others of her ilk so desperate to have this amendment on the books?
Why does a certain segment of the left get so zealous about the idea that a woman must have total right to abortion on demand up to the last second of her pregnancy, and that no fetus must ever be afforded any amount of human rights?
The true reason is darker than you might think.
If the 1967 Act was the first trojan horse – appearing to offer limited legalisation of abortion while in fact making it mainstream, and Antoniazzi’s amendment is the second, appearing to stop police investigation of late abortions, while in fact legalising them up to term, both actually serve towards a third, greater trojan horse.
That is the greatest part of the leftist political project in the UK – what C.S. Lewis called “The Abolition of Man”.
Why is it so crucial that no fetus have a right to life in the womb? Why is it so crucial that any woman should have the right to end its life up until the moment of birth?
The real reason is in two conflicting views of what a human being actually is.
On the first, old, traditional view, a human being is a soul created by God. And the value of that human being rests in its intrinsic value given to him or her by God Himself. The value of a human being doesn’t depend on what anyone else thinks of that human, and is absolute, and objective.
On that view – the value of a human life starts at the first point its individual human identity can be discerned – in the womb, and it remains with that human being until the last moment that the individual human’s identity persists: Death – when God “takes back” the soul from the invidivudal.
Now, it’s important to remember that even many atheists still hold to this view of what a human is. They may have dispensed with (at least on the surface) belief in the existence of God, but they have not dispensed with belief in the human soul as something of a supernatural entity, and therefore the unique sacred nature of each human being.
However, the leftist view of a human is very different: Based not on what it is but what it does – primarily as a component in the leftist machine of “society”. Each human is merely a cog enabling the wheels of the machine to turn. And its value, even to the point of its recognition of existence, lies only in its function to the state.
Should you be wondering why this should be: On the traditional view, the human being is the eternal thing, and the society is the temporary thing. A human soul, once created, persists eternally, even after death, in the afterlife. Meanwhile, even the greatest civilisations and societies will eventually crumble into the dust. On the other hand, on the modern leftist view, the human being is merely temporary, while the society may persist for generations, centuries, or even millennia.
On such a view, a human being is thus not a human being at all if society doesn’t want it, has no purpose for it, and it serves no function.
At the beginning of life – this means, in the womb, a human fetus is merely a fetus – not a human being. It has no rights, because it has no societal function, and if it is not wanted by its mother or society, it therefore simply does not exist as a human being at all. On the other hand, if it is “wanted”, then it may be allowed a sort of probationary status of recognition until its birth.
The great conceit of this view is to think that it is within the gift of the state to decide when human rights begin, and, in fact, to decide when a human being “begins”.
One state has gone further than most in this: Canada. It has fully and explicitly decriminalised all abortion on the grounds that a fetus is simply not a human being. It has stated this explicitly in its law:
Section 223(1) of the Criminal Code states: “A child becomes a human being when it has completely proceeded, in a living state, from the body of its mother”.
Now, quite apart from whether you agree with the timing when they say a human being begins, notice that, under this law who “creates” a human being? God? No. The state. You become a human being when the state, in its law, says you do. (If you dislike the religious term “God” you might want to substitute it for “nature” if you want. The answer is still “no”).
What if the state decided to change the wording to say an entity became a human being, not when it had “completely proceeded from the body of its mother” but “On its second birthday”. Under such a provision, any child under two would literally not exist as a “human being” simply because the state says so. Why? Because the law says they don’t. A human being is simply whatever the state decrees it is by fiat. This is both unbelievably absurd and unbelievably sinister.
In free democratic states, our laws are typically a combination of specific “statute” laws, but also something called “common law”. This is simply law held to be common to all people at all places at all times. It is what we might call “common knowledge”. Statute laws are useful for decreeing a law which is one way, but could quite easily be another. Statute laws typically define things which are often somewhat arbitrary: A Statute law might make a speed limit forty miles an hour on a particular road, but it could just have easily have been thirty. The very idea of defining what a human being is by statute, rather than by common law, is actually quite obscene.
The reason this is so obscene, of course, is that what the state gives, the state can take away. If the state decides when someone becomes a human being, then they can simply decide they stop being a human being as well.
And that brings us to the next step in the leftist master plan: Assisted Dying.
While the UK is not pursuing this while agenda agenda as brazenly as Canada, it is achieving the same ends by different means.
While Tonia Antoniazzi is busy allowing the state to define where humanity begins, Kim Leadbeater’s assisted dying bill is shortly going to allow the state to define where human beings end. No long does God, (or, if you prefer, “nature”) determine when you being to exist with your conception, and when you cease to exist with your death. You begin to exist and you cease to exist when the state says you do.
And of course, just like Antoniazzi’s bill is dressed up in such a way as to hide its true intent, so is the Leadbeater assisted dying bill. The bill is absurd and makes no sense on its own legal terms. Most doctors find it incomprehensible in its intent or implementation. This is, I suspect, intentional. It is there to act as a key in a lock. The door it opens is state control over death, just as Antoniazzi’s amendment establishes state control over the creation of life. Once the door is unlocked, it can be kicked open at a later date.
In some senses, a lot of this might be dismissed as academic. There almost certainly is going to be a huge number of women suddenly wanting terminations at 35 weeks for healthy pregnancies. But there will be some, maybe just a tiny handful. They have from an leftist ideological point of view, almost ritualistic symbolic significance – asserting that the state has the right to define what a human being is, and what a human being isn’t.
History is full of dark lessons on what states can do once they have established that power.







